Fatal Misstep by Captain Redistribution?

Mona Charen discusses a possible fatal decision for the Obama campaign in regards to welfare reform.   Juicy parts:

But the decision to embrace one of the least popular Democratic positions of the past 100 years — opposition to the work requirement for welfare recipients — is inexplicable politically. It’s also illegal and imperious. Let’s stick with politics, because it’s old news that Obama has contempt for the rule of law. He’s declined to “take care that the laws be faithfully executed” on many subjects: immigration, the Defense of Marriage Act, labor laws and environmental rules, among others. Those were lawless but politically logical acts. Not this.

Welfare policies (along with weakness on defense and crime) had been a vulnerability for Democrats throughout the 1970s and 1980s — an Achilles heel that Bill Clinton recognized in 1992. His promise to “end welfare as we know it” was the gravamen of his claim to “new Democrat” status. Once safely elected, Clinton downgraded welfare reform, and, in fact, increased funding for all of the traditional welfare programs in the federal budget. But when Republicans gained control of the House of Representatives in 1994, they took the initiative. By 1996, after vetoing two welfare reform bills, Clinton was advised by Dick Morris that if didn’t sign the legislation, he wouldn’t be re-elected; it was that important to voters. Immediately after signing the bill, Clinton’s approval rating on welfare jumped by 19 points.

>snip<

The prospect of asking welfare recipients to seek work struck most liberals in 1996 (including Obama) as degrading, cruel and doomed to failure. Three high-ranking Clinton administration officials resigned in protest. The New York Times called the reform “atrocious,” objecting that “This is not reform, this is punishment.” Tom Brokaw, interviewing the president, said “all the projections show that … (the reform) will push, at least short term, more than a million youngsters … below the poverty line.” The Children’s Defense Fund called the law “an outrage … that will hurt and impoverish millions of American children … and leave a moral blot on (Clinton’s) presidency.” Sen. Daniel P. Moynihan called the law “the most brutal act of social policy we have known since the Reconstruction. … In five years’ time, you’ll find appearing on your streets abandoned children … in numbers we have no idea.” Sen. Edward Kennedy, with characteristic understatement, called the bill “legislative child abuse.”

Well, what really happened? Welfare caseloads declined by 50 percent within four years of the law’s passage and by 70 percent by the time Obama took office. The overwhelming majority of those who left welfare rolls did so because they found jobs — and not just the worst jobs, either. By 2001, a Manhattan Institute study found, only 4 percent of former welfare mothers were earning minimum wage. The poverty rate declined from 13.8 percent in 1995 to 11.7 percent in 2003. Black child poverty dropped to its lowest levels in history. Childhood hunger was cut in half. It was the greatest social policy success of the past 50 years.

How do Americans feel about welfare recipients working now?

A new Rasmussen Reports national telephone survey finds that 83% of American Adults favor a work requirement as a condition for receiving welfare aid. Just seven percent (7%) oppose such a requirement, while 10% are undecided.

Just like his disastrous campaign decision to pick a fight with the Catholic Church before the election, this is a fatal error. Pertinent question:  Does he even want to win?

 

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